Current Lebanese problems and causes

Lubnan Yantafed

Current Lebanese problems and causes

Sectarian system

The foundations of the sectarian system
Since the emergence of Greater Lebanon, the Lebanese Republic has been suffering from a sharp division that has made the homeland as divided and politically and sectarian rival homelands.there is no doubt that the stability of the Lebanese society, which is diverse in class, ethnicity and even language, needs a political system with fixed interests, goals and cultural and social values to connect the society to each other. However, since the birth of the state of Greater Lebanon, sects have been and continue to be the main component in successive political systems of power in Lebanon with the support of regional and international forces at the expense of an inclusive national affiliation.
during the era of Ottoman rule, European ambitions in general, and French in particular, escalated, with the continuation of isolation and internal sectarian and sectarian division. The sectarian leaders could not agree among themselves because of the diversity of attitudes, opinions and intolerance, which made Lebanon under the burden of external interventions.
Since the era of the puritanism in the last century, Lebanon has witnessed the split arising from sectarian sectarian between Lebanese nationalism and Arab nationalism. The Lebanese nationality, consisting mostly of Christians, of a Maronite character, turned to France to seek independence, refusing to join any Arab state, while there were other internal currents that opposed French interventions and aspired to remain within Syria.,
these disagreements between the sectarian leadership continued even after the creation of the Constitution of 1926. At that time, there was a customary agreement that created a consensus formula between all the sects, but without a unified position on Lebanese issues.
it was agreed on the idea of a national consensus, and not on the abolition of sectarianism. Lebanese sectarianism is not only religious, but also social, economic and regional. < br>Lebanese sectarianism starts from family and educational upbringing in each region, with its own customs and holidays, to jobs and institutions among its employees. Despite the successive amendments to the Lebanese constitution and even after independence and the national charter in 1943, or the Taif agreement to end the civil war in 1989, until the Doha agreement in 2008, Lebanon remains based on sectarian divisions.
the existing National Accord does not represent a real agreement, but rather reflects the divisions that keep Lebanon a group of competing states in every decision that must be taken, out of concern for each side for its own sect and not for the interest of this divided nation.
Problems caused by the current system
No matter how the Constitution is amended, no matter how many agreements are made, no matter how the Lebanese rulers change, the sectarian rules remain fixed socially and politically. A Lebanese social contract was not created to get the country out of sectarian conflicts so that the relationship between the authorities and the people would turn into a just and effective National relationship.
every amendment, charter or agreement that took place supported and developed regional sectarian privileges. Therefore, the current Lebanese regime is still unable to make any tangible progress. The truth is that the constitutional institutions and the Lebanese constitution have been and continue to be supportive of the decisions and positions of the sects, indifferent to a homeland that should be for everyone.
This constitutional and political failure is what led to the ineffectiveness of the so-called dialogue table, which should have resulted in national agreements and decisions. Here, to this day, representatives of the Lebanese sects gather around this table to deliberate and fight among themselves out of fear of each side over the interests of his sect. this is what leads to the current political conflicts, the repeated constitutional vacuum and the inability to make effective decisions to build a homeland, provide services, protect the state, or even to provide internal stability to the Lebanese society and a promising future for a people suffering the worst socio-economic and development situations. All decisions that must be taken remain stuck for fear of not meeting the rights of a particular sect, putting at risk the most basic rights of the Lebanese citizen, regardless of his affiliation or sect.

Political foundations

Internal relations
There are 18 sects in Lebanon, of which six main sects have their political presence, namely:
- Maronites
- Orthodox
- Catholics
- Sunnis
- Shiites
- Druze
in order to ensure the Lebanese Republic when it formed its alliance as a state, an unwritten custom arose in 1943 involving the assumption of the presidency of the Maronite Republic, the Council of ministers Sunni, and the parliament Shiite. And this custom has not changed to this day or is discussed. While the introduction of the Lebanese constitution defines Lebanon as a parliamentary democratic republic, this Constitution itself gave the president of the Republic broad powers to take into account the status of Maronites and Christians, making it more like a presidential rule.
After the Civil War, the Muslims demanded to limit these powers and amend the Constitution in Taif through the document of National Accord that ended the war. This agreement tried to correct the imbalance between the power and the demographic balance, but without any significant change to the sectarian essence that dominates Lebanese politics. although the war was over, its causes were not addressed, but rather introduced new balances in Lebanese politics.Most of the executive powers were withdrawn from the hands of the president of the Republic and were given to the Council of ministers, which represents all denominations between Christians and Muslims equally. The seats in the House of Representatives were also distributed equally among them, after the distribution was 5 Muslims against 6 Christians.
It is worth mentioning that all crimes committed during the civil war were pardoned by a decision of the parliament, which threw the page of the war away before reading it carefully. Militia leaders in the war became political leaders.
with the victory of the Syrian axis in this war, the main opponents of this axis were excluded by the exile of General Michel Aoun and the imprisonment of the head of the Lebanese Forces Samir Geagea. Although the militias were disbanded at the end of the war, not all weapons were handed over, many houses still contain some light weapons, most political forces still have some medium weapons, and Palestinian factions still keep their weapons inside the camps.
As for the resistance, it has kept its weapons, because it is the resistance against the Zionist enemy. In practice, the resistance in Lebanon is Hezbollah. In the years since the end of the war, Hezbollah has built a military system that surpassed the capabilities of the Lebanese state.
After the assassination of prime minister Rafik Hariri in 2005, the political equations changed completely. After the assassination, the direct Syrian guardianship ended, but with the Syrian influence remaining through its former allies, Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, as the future current moved from an ally to an opponent.
Sunni-Shiite differences began to worsen. After that, the opponents of the Syrian regime were pardoned, General Aoun returned, and the head of the forces was released from prison. Since the inception of Lebanon, the political sectarianism is the basic component of the Lebanese power. No matter how the equations or alliances between the parties change, the internal politics of Lebanon remains under the weight of sects.
Quotas
The Lebanese state and all its institutions are spoils that are shared among the Lebanese communities in their multiplicity. The current authority is one that consists of several political parties, firstly sectarian in nature. All these parties are based on sharing the state with its administrations and public interests. the main problem lies in the popular support for each of these sectarian parties, as each political entity that dominates institutions, departments and interests in the state can secure public and private jobs for its supporters from the same sect. public administrations turn into sectarian conflicts and partisan interests and are filled with loyalists to the current leaders, disregarding the competencies that should be distinguished by an official or employee in state affairs. This is what makes the institutions, administrations and even the interests of the state full of sectarian parties, which leads to corruption, militia and administrative failure.
Over the years, the control of parties and their sects over the state has evolved to become departments and ministries calculated for this or that sect, which made the relationship between the authority and its people based on a certain sectarian party affiliation, so clientelism and political mediation began to dominate all parties to this relationship.
The purpose of controlling all the joints of the state by sectarian leaders is to seize the resources and wealth of the state through the methodology of corruption controlling the decisions of the Ministerial Council and the laws emanating from the parliament and even to tenders in all administrative departments, projects and Public Affairs.
The danger of this rampant quotas rooted in the roots of the state and institutions lies in the preference for special interests belonging to each sect, we witness the distribution of these quotas as spoils through the approvals that must be obtained to start projects and take care of Public Affairs, forcing political parties to agree among themselves on the amount of quotas for each of them. most of the differences and political disputes between the ruling parties do not lie on their political or ideological principles, but on the difference in the amount of those quotas that each party believes should be in the interests of its community, without others.thus, development projects are stalled and it is difficult to complete the basic public affairs of the state until the distribution of quotas is agreed to share the people's money between the parties.
External relations
Lebanon has gone through several epochs that have linked it to various foreign relations. Before its independence, it was colonized and then seconded to it. After independence, there was an era of direct Regency and occupation, which was completed in an indirect way. Lebanon has never had real sovereignty. Although it is necessary to develop the external relations of any country for the sake of economic and commercial prosperity, the development of diplomatic relations and the development of friendships in the ocean, but any sovereign state must be master of its own external and internal decisions. This is something that the Lebanese Republic has not seen yet.
All political parties, with their different and different policies, remained dependent on a foreign state or power, Arab or Western, for their political decisions. This has turned Lebanon into a land of conflict between countries that are followed by political teams, including Russia or the United States, Syria, Israel, the Gulf states, Iran or any of the European countries.
This is due to the deep sectarian roots of the Lebanese and all those who have been in power. In 1861, a protocol was signed to end the war between the Druze and Christians, and made each sect in Lebanon an external sponsor, so France was sponsoring the rights of Maronites, Orthodox Russia, Catholic Austria, Druze England, and Turkey was sponsoring the rights of Sunni and Shiite Muslims.
The foreign political dependence that all Lebanese political teams have been following since the nineteenth century leads to Lebanon's involvement in international wars and conflicts by controlling politics and the economy inside Lebanon as a means of pressure between them. The way to do this is through the Lebanese rulers, who have always pursued the same foreign policies, despite reaching the same results. this is what led Lebanon to resort to international conferences under the titles of national dialogues in Geneva in 1983, followed by another in Lausanne the following year, then in Taif in 1989 and another in France in 2007.
all these conferences are interspersed with begging trips to help Lebanon in three stages in Paris, The Last of which is through the CEDRE conference. It is the dependent foreign policy adopted by all political rulers by tightening the sectarian tension that leads not only to enrich these dependencies at the expense of the people and the interests of Lebanon as a state, but also to make this land, its population and its security and economic stability a proxy for the conflicting countries.

Economic problems

The current economic system
The success or failure of the responsible authority of any state lies in the success or failure of its economic system first of all. During economic prosperity, the people and the state can develop together, creating job opportunities for young people, providing for all basic needs, developing plans to take care of the elderly, poverty decreases, trade and production flourish, fruitful exports work, security and stability are resolved and the state flourishes with its people. The Lebanese situation is quite different. We live in a failed economy that relies on rentier borrowing of money, and is governed by opportunism and monopolies, and is based on weak financial policies.
Those in the successive authorities have forgotten the role of industry, agriculture, local production, and profitable investments, and Lebanon's economy was based on the money of its expatriates fleeing from the ominous reality, and on tourism threatened with failure with any security flaw that was always repeated. all this economic reality has always been dominant in Lebanon through opportunistic policies, corruption and monopoly rampant on all corners and institutions of the state. to this day, it has led to one of the worst economic collapses in the world affecting depositors ' money. The reason for this economic failure is the lack of a clear and firm basis to work hard to develop productive sectors and attract any external investment that can help for an effective and productive prosperity that makes Lebanon a successful country.
Problems in the industrial sector
Although the Lebanese industrial sector has not received adequate support for its prosperity and development, as of 2017, there were 6,208 factories in Lebanon, according to a field survey by the Lebanese exports and industrial enterprises directory.
We note, however, that more than half of these factories are located in Mount Lebanon, while the remaining half is distributed to other preserves. There is no doubt that the numbers of these factories were not the same as before the war that broke out in Syria. Between 2012 and 2015, production in this sector declined from 10.5 billion in 2012 to 8.8 billion in 2015. after the closure of the only land crossings connecting Lebanon abroad, Lebanese exports declined.
Today, with the rampant economic collapse in the country, with the existence of two dollar prices, and with the difficulty of transferring funds in order to purchase raw materials for these factories without banking facilities, the production lines in many factories have completely stopped. But the current economic crisis is not only the reason for the paralysis that is taking place in the industrial sector, but the main reason was and remains the weakness of the firm foundations to support its prosperity.
فلم يتواجد قطّ استقرار سياسي يشجّع الإستثمارات، وغاب التوجيه نحو صناعات ذات القيمة المضافة المرتفعة، فشُلّ التنوّع في الصناعات مع انخفاض الأرباح.
لم تتواجد أسعار عقارية مؤاتية لتشجيع بناء مصانع و لم تتوفر مناطق صناعية إلّا بأسعارٍ خياليّة. لم تؤمّن البنى التحتية الأساسية والخدمات الضرورية للإستمرار بالأعمال الصناعية، ولم تتوفّرالمراقبة الكافية للحدّ من المنافسة الأجنبية التي تدخل الأسواق المحلية من خلال عمليات التهريب. إنّ هذا الواقع المسيء للقطاع الصناعي سببه عدم وجود رؤية حكومية و إقتصادية واضحة لدعمه.
Problems in the agricultural sector
There is no doubt that Lebanon is characterized by fertile lands, mountainous mountains favorable for agriculture, and the ability to produce fresh products. But the agricultural sector, which is one of the most important economic sectors in the country, contributes only seven percent of GDP. There are many problems that this sector was facing before the current crisis, such as primitive irrigation systems that account for more than 60% of total water consumption, and the lack of any law to take into account negotiations between disenfranchised farmers and monopolized market traders.
These and other problems, which are widespread in the weakness of the agricultural sector, go back to the roots of the Lebanese clientelist system, as the controlling resources in this sector are a handful of influential people. Two-thirds of Lebanese agricultural land is controlled by 10% of the owners of land belonging to prominent political figures. The known technical problems are only secondary to the underlying problems that dominate the agricultural sector.
There has never been a stable and legal system of agricultural work in modern Lebanese history, as most Lebanese and Syrian workers in the agricultural field are not organized. There is no definition of the farmer's profession and the term agricultural investment does not exist in Lebanon.
the Lebanese farmer does not have any health coverage or pension for him. Even before the current economic crisis, farmers could not get loans from banks to support their investments, as financial institutions do not show interest in small farmers.
In addition, the management of local markets is filled with suspicions and lacks transparency in wholesale prices by forcing farmers to use intermediaries for distribution. Because the farmer does not benefit from favorable services for sorting, grading and storing their crop, they are forced to work with monopolists who collect trade in agriculture, which leads to the waste of farmers ' rights and loss of production by at least 15%.
Problems in the commercial and service sector
Lebanon enjoys a capitalist principle supported by economic liberalism, the government does not interfere in trade, and there is a competitive free market system based on supply and demand for markets without interference from the authorities as well. But the structure of the Lebanese trade balance is negative, the trade deficit has exceeded billions and imports exceed exports by huge amounts. as for the service sector, it is known that it is one of the largest productive sectors of the Lebanese economy, accounting for more than 83% of Lebanese companies. The beautiful and diverse nature of the country has always attracted tourist and cultural activities.
However, the trade and services sectors in particular are among the sectors that are most significantly affected by the political and security situation in the country, and it is no secret that these two levels are fragile, as Lebanon is characterized by political and security instability.And we cannot ignore the fatal blow to the services sector as well as the commercial sector in Lebanon due to the current economic collapse, which was punctuated by the corona pandemic and the explosion of the port of Beirut.
20% of businesses had closed their doors permanently between 2019 and 2020, followed by 10% of the remaining institutions in 2021, while the business of institutions that are still holding up declined by 90%.

Social problems

Demographic problems
Lebanon's demographic problems are inseparable from its sectarian problems. Even after the end of the war, Lebanese society was unable to restore trust and cohesion among the many sects that exist in Lebanon and are divided among themselves. During 15 years of devastating civil war, a new demographic map of Lebanese communities was drawn that restored the shape of the homeland similar to what it was during the rule of the Ottoman sultanate. Large parts of the community were displaced from the areas where they lived, and the communities were isolated from each other regionally and socially isolated from each other.
After the end of the war, we did not witness actual Lebanese unity, as this demographic sorting produced by that war did not change, for sectarian and political reasons that did not urge society to real cohesion.
To this day, politicians still use the sect and the rights of this sect with their rhetoric.In addition, there is a broad opinion that appeals to the validity of this sectarian system, as it is believed that the balance in Lebanon is based on this system and that it is what guarantees the political and social representation of all communities, while guaranteeing the rights of their minorities. But this reality has made governing in Lebanon based on agreements – or lack thereof – between the various sects.
For this reason, he has not yet paid attention to the distorted demographic file of the image of a country that is supposed to be a collector. Despite the fact that all Lebanese regions are united by the deprivation of basic services, as well as the north, the south and the south are united by regional marginalization and isolation, but they are still persevering in the sectarian division, which facilitates the exploitation of all citizens equally on the principle of "divide and conquer".
Pedagogical problems
The foundations and principles are planted in children and boys, and these are the ones who will grow up to form the main pillar of the future of the country and be the labor force, social thought and voters for the rulers, including those who will also be the main constituent factor of the future power. This is what is known and exploited by each of the political parties in Lebanon arising from sectarian and doctrinal ideologies.as we see in the current educational reality in Lebanon, the weakness of official state institutions lies in the educational and academic part, and in the material part, which is shown by the lack of any significant support for their employees or buildings.
In contrast, we see the strength of private educational institutions, whose main denominational and sectarian component and their subordination to certain parties or sects are not hidden. The matter does not stop at schools, institutes and universities only, but in every region we find Scout movements and organizations concerned with activities for the future generation arising from the ideology of a particular party or sect. thus, the children of Lebanon grow up, surrounded by these sectarian concepts by those educational cadres who are partisan or affiliated with a certain sect, with the full care of successive governments to ignore the development of official educational institutions that must cultivate patriotism, which must unite all these sects away from fanaticism and dogmatism.
Since the strength of the continuity of the parties depends on their well-established presence in the depth of societies, they refuse to even agree to write a clear unified Lebanese history, and support institutions that tend to be commercial rather than educational, so there are many failed educational institutions that are corrupt, pedagogically incompetent or methodologically. It ignores the correct educational need of the younger generation, and the falsification of certificates is frequent, and it works to destroy the educational foundations for the imposition of successive authorities of their sectarianism and dogmas at the expense of a single national identity.
Problems with basic services
The Lebanese October Revolution in 2019 was triggered by the aggravation of social problems in general, and the inability or indifference of the authorities to provide basic services to citizens in particular. All the people of all its components demonstrated in front of the failed government institutions responsible for the deterioration of these services, as well as in front of financial institutions and banks in particular.
one of the first and most important service sectors to fail in Lebanon is electricity, as Lebanon suffers from severe power outages and whining that forced citizens to use electric power generators that resulted in mafias, each of which is often associated with a certain political party.
While the electricity sector drains the equivalent of two billion dollars of public funds, successive governments have not been able to secure round-the-clock energy despite empty promises that culminated in political speeches.
with the aggravation of the economic crisis, the hours of feeding from the EDL have decreased, so the mafias controlling alternative energy generators have spread to The Citizen at prices and rationing that exceed rational concepts. The electricity sector is one of the biggest hotbeds of public corruption in Lebanon, which burdens the Lebanese with paying two bills a month, and is currently getting worse by plunging the country into total darkness.
As for the telecommunications sector that connects the world together, Lebanon is distinguished from the surrounding countries by the highest mobile phone bills in terms of local and international communications and data prices. There are currently two companies in Lebanon, Alpha and am.T.C. Touch. according to a recent Reuters report, the Lebanese spend about 5% of their average income to use telecommunications services. Successive authorities have always searched for ways to increase profit from this sector, which is already making huge profits, and even tried charging fees for using the free WhatsApp application, which directly led to the outbreak of protests in 2019.
As for the banking problems, they have always had harsh policies towards citizens, even before the acquisition of all the funds of depositors the last. The loan operations were not easy for the people because of the high interest, while later it turned out that the banks had provided facilities to political leaders who were able to take advantage of subsidized housing loans, although these loans were originally created to help citizens unable to buy a personal property. Banks have been and still are using an unfair and unfair financial approach that has made citizens hungrier and poorer.

Correctional problems

The system of states
A strong state must ensure the necessary protection of its regions and borders. Hence, the strength of the prestige and authority of the state lies militarily in defending the borders from external aggressions, and internally through the presence of forces of security elements to maintain peace and protect against any aggression or conflict.
in Lebanon, the situation is quite different. There is no doubt that the civil war waged by the Lebanese led to the weakening of the state's authority, as every sect and every region resorted to self-protection, even if it was not one of the main participants in the war.
After the end of the war and even after the dissolution of the militias that participated in this war, the concept of self-defense, region or sect remained stuck in the minds of most of the destroyed people. The concept of Popular Resistance, which was limited to the sectarian demographic division after the war, arose in the Shiite-majority southern regions in particular.although the concept of resistance in general presupposes the inclusion of a resistant people in all its categories, the resistance was limited to one sect and one party with one political line and goals. What made the concept of the Lebanese resistance vulnerable to targeting from a distance any internal or even external political difference when affecting one of the external forces with Lebanese political dependencies.
It is the militia style that exists among all Lebanese parties and sects that has turned this small country Lebanon into a group of states. Although Hezbollah currently leads the largest military and armed forces that lie outside the authority, the ideology of regionalism, sectarianism and autonomy is present in all regions and among various sects alike, reaching also to the Palestinian refugee camps. For this reason, local violations imposed by force are widespread, with the imposition of khawat, and arrests outside the framework of the state and the law to the extent of kidnapping and murder as a settlement of accounts.
it is worth mentioning that this regional sectarian division directly affects the interests of the dominant sectarian parties and the sectarian system as a whole, which leads to satisfaction with this reality, which divides the state into states
Judiciary
The existence of a fair judiciary in the state is essential to preserve the rights of citizens, to punish the aggressor or criminal oppressor and to achieve justice in general among citizens on the one hand and between the authority and its people on the other. This is the importance of the independence of the judiciary, above any political or partisan disputes. As for the Lebanese reality, we find that the independence of the Lebanese judiciary is only written about and narrated about. The mechanisms of judicial appointments and the Proceedings of their courts are subject to the authority and its colleagues.
there is no form of legal control due to quotas based on sectarian grounds, in addition to the possibility of all parties to influence the judiciary, as each party can intervene in legal proceedings to support one of its colleagues. We see that the followers of the parties and senior politicians do not ask any of them from any judge, no matter how big the charge or the magnitude of his crime.
The political system in Lebanon also adopts an approach of immunities that makes it impossible to hold any official or official accountable. The judiciary adheres to the laws of banking secrecy and constitutional and legal immunities, which facilitates the emergence of complicity of these illegal acts and the development of their interests and services.
these services are provided by those in power to their family members, close friends and partners, as these immunities are successively attached to them. People seek the satisfaction of the leader, which has become much more important than the fear of legal accountability, which, with the current system, is no longer capable only of those who have no party political cover.
Leadership policy
The norms that characterize the regime of leaders in Lebanon run afoul of the state and the logic of institutions. The Lebanese leader seeks to make deals, to exchange interests, to share quotas, to interfere with the judiciary, and even to violate the Constitution, which weakens the prestige and entity of the state. it is the leader, and not the state, who provides protection to the citizens, in return receives the full obedience of his followers. Therefore, the leaders of Lebanon have become a de facto authority, and we must see the function of this leader and what he is characterized by to know the extent of the reform problems we face.
The leader in Lebanon represents a certain sect and preserves its interests in state institutions, which gives him legitimacy. However, the Lebanese constitution neither mentions nor requires the presence of representatives of sects. Also, this leader, in his current position, is the one who ensures that the citizen obtains his rights by being a link between the state and its institutions on the one hand and the members of his community on the other. < br>In this reality, clientelism is formed, which is the main cause of Lebanese corruption. The biggest problem lies in the fact that this clientelism has become one of the foundations and even the structure of Lebanese politics adopted by politicians, whereby state administrations turn into strongholds of leaders to establish their influence, as they all rely on rewarding their followers with jobs, for example, and threatening and punishing their opponents.
In Lebanon, this clientelism turned into a monopoly and dominated all the joints in the country. Any individual who does not belong to a particular sect is forced against his will to pass through one of these leaders to obtain his minimum rights or any service he needs from the Lebanese state. The current leaders are not only using their leadership and clientelistic style to coerce the citizens to ensure absolute obedience, but they are also using the means of intimidation from the other leader.
this style has become an integral part of current political discourses. All the leaders classify themselves as the first defender of the sect that each of them represents, and it suggests to the people of this sect that they are in danger from the other leader. The fact is that the leaders of different affiliations depend on each other's presence in the Lebanese political arena, and the differences between them are centered on the tension of the sectarian nerve, which causes fear and anxiety among citizens to become more attached to their followers. Therefore, the presence of this other leader is one of the basics of the structure of the political system to maintain the status and authority of each of these leaders.
Development problems
A successful state seeks to secure the rights of its citizens by securing their basic needs and securing favorable employment opportunities, which leads to production and investments throughout the country. This is where the importance of human development lies, as it is the direct benefit of the citizen, taking his legitimate rights from his authority, and development is also in the long-term interest of the state. This development must be equal and balanced in all regions as a measure of the success of the ruling power.
The current situation in Lebanon is far from any form of balanced development. We find cities, villages and entire regions marginalized, lacking the most basic existential rights. In the North, South, Bekaa and far from the major cities, we find it difficult to move because of the lack of public transport and poor roads, we see the lack of educational institutions or even advanced hospitals in these areas.
the current sectarian system is in the interest of following a centralized system that restricts development and production in the capital and some other cities, promotes development in areas that sectarian leaders deem favorable to their interests, and keeps other deprived areas to gain the satisfaction of these vulnerable residents with simple services. This imbalance in the development balance supports the interests of these sectarian parties by focusing each development capacity on its specific regions or singling out the weakness of other regions.
The Dream of balanced development hangs far away from Lebanon and is only conjured up with empty weak political speeches to win the population of deliberately vulnerable areas.

Economic collapse

The economic crisis that Lebanon has been witnessing since the summer of 2019 is one of the worst crises that Lebanon has experienced throughout its history, and one of the worst economic crises globally. It is worth mentioning that this crisis has been looming for many years. this is due to the structure of the Lebanese financial and economic system, the current foundations of which arose after the civil war, in addition to the insistence of the current leaders to shirk the responsibility that led to this comprehensive collapse.
Foundations of the financial system
The late Rafik Hariri took over as prime minister after the end of the Lebanese Civil War, and then a new financial system was established based on the commitment of the central bank to set the price of the lira against the dollar at all costs, and Lebanon ostensibly witnessed financial and economic stability for many years. In order to set the lira rate, the policy adopted depended on the Bank of Lebanon borrowing foreign currency from local banks to maintain the necessary reserves to stabilize the exchange rate. the BDL also used Treasury bonds as a tool to stabilize the exchange rate at the expense of the state budget. One of the constants on which the Lebanese financial system originated is leverage, which was used by the central bank to stabilize the exchange rate as well, the lira against the US dollar should remain at the rate of 1,500, whatever the repercussions.
Rentier economy
The Lebanese economy is rentier, as it is based on the exploitation of limited sources of income, depleting productive resources and relying on unstable external sources of financing, such as debts, donations and expatriate funds. In the presence of this rentier economic system and financial engineering, we find a wide difference in the benefits provided by banks between deposits in lira and deposits in dollars, which stimulated rentier practices and the deterioration of production or constructive investments beneficial to the economy.
Through these policies, banks were able to borrow in dollars at low interest rates and repurchase these funds with Treasury bonds in Lebanese pounds. Thanks to the stabilization of the exchange rate, banks ensured the re-conversion of profits into dollars.
This is what led to huge profits that are not related to any real production or investment, but the banks, despite the events of assassinations and security risks that hit the country from 2005, did not stop making huge profits, which in turn were transfers from public money to banks directly.
These huge profits of the banking sector came at the expense of the productive sectors, because the high benefits of banks encourage capital owners not to invest in the productive economy, but by placing their surplus profits in bank deposits, where the capital owner guarantees high and guaranteed returns due to the stability of the exchange rate and the difference in interest.
this fiscal policy has led to an increase in the value of deposits from 180% of GDP in 1992, the value of which is already very high, to about 350% in 2014. At the same time, the share of productive sectors such as industry and agriculture declined with each passing year by about 3%.
Officials evade responsibility
When there is any problem in the economy of any country, the first thing that is looked at is the cause of this problem and who is responsible for it. In light of the total collapse of the economy, officials must take responsibility, as they are the "responsible" for the state and everything that happens in it. But in Lebanon, these officials have always relied on tricks and maneuvers to evade their responsibilities before any accountability. These methods adopted by Lebanese politicians have become part of their political speeches.
Despite the devastating and widespread collapse that is currently taking place in Lebanon, the leaders are still repeating the same speeches and invoking the same reasons to escape from facing their responsibility. Therefore, it is worth mentioning these misguided tricks that they use, as it is their escape that leads to an increase in the severity of the crisis and the inability to confront the causes of the problem and hold accountable those responsible for it.
All those in power today have always moved their political analysis to regional and international policy discussions. All leaders rely on escaping from internal political problems and their responsibility to collapse by blaming external forces and regional policies for these problems. This foreign conspiracy is a long film that ends with the leaders of Lebanon. Regardless of the existence of suspicious interventions and roles of external major powers, they cannot be the cause of the patronage, systematic corruption, the dissolution of my institutions or even the current comprehensive collapse.
When forced to face the current crisis, all of them resort to the accusation of legal texts. It is she who needs amendments, and the authority must legislate laws to prevent corruption and strengthen oversight, and a technocratic government must be formed. Thus, the problem of economic collapse turns into expressions and technical problems only, and those in power shirk their responsibilities in bringing Lebanon to where it has reached.
The most powerful and biggest tricks used by the politicians of Lebanon are the exclusion of sectarianism and the tension of the sectarian nerve. Today, any political criticism directed at any political leader of Lebanon is inevitably directed at the sect he represents. Although all politicians are currently adopting the idea of abolishing sectarianism, but this is what supports the strength of their presence in power. The abolition of political sectarianism or its idea increases their popularity with their voters, while the step that must precede it is the abolition of clientelism and the dominance of the leadership over the state.
It is not political sectarianism that leads to corruption and external dependence, but the problem lies with those who represent these sects. And these are also the ones who shirk responsibility and run away from facing the problems that they were one of the main causes of in a way that we have always been used to, which is to throw accusations among themselves. Every political speech of a leader and each political team adopts the method of accusing the other party to get away with it.relying on the logic of divide and rule, the leader of each sect deliberately accuses his opponent, so the debate moves between citizens by exchanging accusations, which increases the division of the Lebanese among themselves and the analysis moves away from the cause of the real collapse and from the rampant corruption in the current system to remain within the "right to them" and "what is free of us".

Result

After a deep reading of Lebanese politics, it turns out that the celebration of Lebanon's openness and the liberalism of the Lebanese economy is a picture that is far from the bitter reality that Lebanon is living in. The Lebanese economy is the hostage of the ruling class, which has adhered to these financial and economic policies since the nineties of the last century and since it came to power after the Civil War. the main reason is to ensure that it remains in power and to divide the profits with the partners of each of them and with the banks and their owners, as all politicians in Lebanon have their own economic interests. The result is the pumping of profits generated by the policies of the banking sector to be multiplied again through the rentier exploitation of monetary policies and the exchange rate.
This led to the obscene enrichment of the ruling class and the accumulation of state debt at the expense of the people and the expense of any production that could have been useful to the economy, which brought Lebanon to complete collapse.
After the deficit in the balance of payments, which is represented by the entry of funds for their exit in Lebanon, the financial system, which depends mainly on the flow of dollars to the Lebanese market, collapsed. The current crisis in the country is the inevitable result of these adopted policies. Therefore, appropriate and decisive steps must now be taken to change the foundations of the systems that brought Lebanon to where it is today, and to save what is left of the homeland.
Follow our page on social media